A sobrevivência do modelo econômico dos militares no Brasil

O Gramde Irmao

Num momento em que o golpe militar brasileiro completa 50 anos, as reflexões sobre o passado e o presente se tornam inevitáveis. É fato que comparar um período em que as liberdades individuais e os direitos humanos foram comprovadamente violados com a Administração Federal atual é inadequado por todos os parâmetros. Exceto por um: a gestão econômica. Perigosamente, o Brasil está retomando, com a presidenta Dilma Rousseff, um caminho que trilhou especialmente após o choque do petróleo de 1978, quando uma guerra no Oriente Médio aumentou o preço da gasolina e desarranjou as economias do mundo todo.
Àquela época, com o general Ernesto Geisel na presidência (1974-1979) e após os anos de forte crescimento do chamado milagre econômico do ministro da Fazenda (1967-1974) Antônio Delfim Neto, um dos conselheiros atuais mais ouvidos por Rousseff, o Brasil optou por um controle rígido de preços pelo Estado, que desencadeou uma onda de hiperinflação.
Várias tentativas de correção desse dragão inflacionário foram tentadas – com diversos planos econômicos que mudavam moedas ou cortavam zeros–, todas frustradas. A mudança só ocorreu, de fato, com o Plano Real, em 1994. No artigo “Ciclo que se repete”, Samuel Pessôa, professor de economia do Instituto Brasileiro de Economia da Fundação Getúlio Vargas (Ibre-FGV), lembra que um ciclo inflacionário começa, normalmente, por causa de um cenário externo. Segundo ele, choques externos também servem de pretexto para que o penoso processo de estabilidade seja abandonado. “A elite dirigente se volta, então, ao remédio de sempre: o Estado”, observa Pessôa.
O economista Edmar Bacha, um dos arquitetos da equipe econômica que elaborou o Plano Real e crítico permanente da política petista, afirma que, do ponto de vista de política econômica, o Brasil está reproduzindo o mesmo ciclo daquele período da ditadura em que houve grande interferência do Estado na economia e baixo crescimento.
De acordo com Bacha, após o a crise financeira global ocorrida em 2008, o ex-presidente Lula direcionou o Estado a um maior protagonismo econômico, o que resultou em perda de eficiência. “A política de controle de preços da Petrobras, que importa combustível mais caro do que é vendido nos postos, é o exemplo acabado de que está se repetindo aquilo que foi um desastre no passado e gerou resultados indesejados”, diz.
Neste sentido, Mansueto Almeida, pesquisador do Instituto Brasileira de Planejamento e Economia Aplicada (Ipea) avalia que, contida por mais tempo a alta dos chamados preços administrados, como os de energia e os das tarifas de transporte público, vai haver um prejuízo para as empresas estatais. “Hoje se tem certeza de que isso não funciona. Com os combustíveis defasados, o reflexo foi a falência da indústria do etanol brasileiro.” A falta de reajustes tem afetado também o desempenho da Petrobras, que precisa de recursos para implementar seu plano de negócio, que prevê a expansão da produção.
Bacha aponta, ainda, como “totalmente contraproducente o aumento da tarifa de importação e a política de conteúdo nacional para as plataformas petrolíferas”. Na época dos militares, quando tentou se implementar uma cultura ufanista e protecionista, esse modelo também foi adotado. Pessôa também crítica a opção de forçar as empresas a produzir localmente. “Tal como está sendo implementado, o conteúdo nacional significa obrigar o setor privado a produzir algo que ele não sabe. Fizemos isso há 50 anos e não deu certo. Hoje, a economia brasileira é muito mais diversificada, em serviços e na indústria, e deve-se apostar naquilo em que temos vocação. Não podemos reinventar esse defunto de triste memória”, diz.
Outro aspecto destacado pelo professor da FGV é a grande predileção do Banco Nacional de Desenvolvimento Nacional e Social (BNDES), um banco público que empresta a percentuais menores que a taxa básica de juros do país, pelo financiamento a grandes conglomerados. “Assistimos diariamente a exemplos de grandes grupos que simplesmente poderiam recorrer ao mercado de capitais para atrair recursos. No final, o Governo acaba travando o desenvolvimento da indústria de empréstimos nacional e até o mercado financeiro”, diz ele. Na época dos militares, o então BNDE (não havia o Social no nome) também tinha suas empresas “eleitas”.
A seis meses das eleições presidenciais, os mercados revelam que rejeitam o atual modelo, além de se mostrarem avessos à reeleição de Dilma. Por duas vezes, a Bolsa brasileira subiu em dias em que ou houve rumores de queda da avaliação de Rousseff ou foi confirmada sua menor popularidade.
Diante deste cenário, diz Almeida, há duas linhas de análise: a otimista, na qual ele se inclui, e a pessimista. “O exemplo das privatizações em infraestrutura, que o PT nem sequer cogitava anos atrás, indica que eles estão aprendendo”, afirma ele.
Já Bacha avalia que a razão da má gestão estatal econômica se deve à “composição muito peculiar de forças partidárias que sustenta o Governo”, outra tradição do período em que o país foi governado por uma Junta Militar. “É só constatar que foi preciso 39 ministérios e o aparelhamento das empresas estatais para acomodar toda essa gente. Se você acha que algo vai mudar com ela sendo reeleita, está sendo muito otimista.”
Felipe Vanini 4 abril 2014
http://brasil.elpais.com/brasil/2014/04/03/politica/1396478785_713416.html

The dictatorship does not say his name.....in Brazilian Amazon

The Brazilian military dictatorship is alive and well in the Amazon in that country

El virus de la dictadura entra en la celula social

When you want to do something in the Amazon , do not ask for permission : it does. "

The statement is the gaucho Aloysio Carlos Weber, former commander of the 5th Battalion of Engineering and Construction, one of the first to settle in the Amazon in the civil - military dictatorship. In 1971 , I interviewed for a special project Realidade magazine on Amazon. The reporter made the colonel introduced as " legendary" in Rondônia, the following question: "How is it possible to do things in the Amazon region and transform ? " . The colonel replied :

- How do you think I did 800 miles of road ? Asking permission ? ? We use the same tactics of the Portuguese, who asked not permit the Spaniards to cross the line of Tordesillas. If all we had did not work, I 'd be in jail , man.

It is a statement of explicit directions - from the tone in which it was issued , by the certainty of impunity, for the pride of the lack of boundaries. By the way the Colonel sees Amazon as a territory to be invaded and ruled by force . What did the dictatorship in the Amazon , as far from the centers of power and voices of resistance, and what he did with the indigenous peoples , still needs to be investigated in much greater depth . The horrors that are discovered and can be just the surface . But if the past calls light, this urgently needs to be illuminated .

There are several authoritarian debris corroding our day as Military Police (which, if you have a previous history the 1964 coup , won more powers in the dictatorship and keeps on democracy ) and "self resistance " (which serves to police justified the execution of suspected or disaffected ) . But it is the look on Amazon as on indigenous peoples , coastal and Quilombolas the authoritarian state continues with more strength and less resistance in the minds of most Brazilians. There remains the most dangerous form because it masquerades as true that which is just an image in the service of specific political and economic interests . Perhaps in no other field emergency rule has conquered so successful in imposing its ideology . And keep in democracy.

The civil - military dictatorship rooted in the imagination of the Brazilian view that the Amazon rainforest is a territory - body for exploitation. If the logic of the operator / colonizer historically oriented the " internalization " of the country , is the dictatorship that earns a more ambitious ideological whole. The pieces of propaganda that the regime was still alive, even for those who were born after , as the slogans "Integrating Non- deliver " and "Land without men for men without land" . It is the idea that the dictatorship of the Amazon is constructed as a "green desert" , ignoring all the human, cultural and biological diversity that existed there , ignoring life. The spread of this fantasy is so successful that it is true . And it becomes a truth that remains true after democratization . So true that creates a paradoxical reality : an ex - guerrilla , prey and tortured by the regime, who is , in a democracy , is carrying out the development model of dictatorship to Amazon.

It is in the Lula government first, and with more strength and determination after the inauguration of Dilma Rousseff , in which great works planned by the military, such as hydroelectric Belo Monte on the Xingu River - the most controversial , but not alone - are imposed on the peoples of the jungle. The unsettling process that forced the construction of Belo Monte, among other outrages , violated both the Constitution and international treaties. Convention 169 of the International Labour Organization (ILO ) says the Indians the right to be heard on policies and programs that will affect their traditional way of life - and they were not . Other hydroelectric are ongoing, with great strength of indigenous peoples, Afro and coastal , as the central planned for Tapajós River in the State of Pará.

It is in this elected government that the National Strength falls on traditional communities living in the region for centuries megaprojects with justification, among others, to ensure the safety of the researchers who made ​​the socio-environmental inventory. In practice , it is used to suppress the legitimate resistance of these peoples , whose rights are protected by the Constitution . It is democracy that large companies financed by public money the National Bank for Economic and Social Development (BNDES ) perform works that alter the regional ecosystem without fulfilling their obligations in the form of conditions , causing irreversible damage and destroying lives , as now saw historic flooding in the Madeira river.

It is also in the democratic period that an instrument created by the dictatorship, "Suspension of Security" has been used to ensure the continuity of megaplans , as reported last March 28 at the Organization of American States (OAS ) . The instrument allows higher courts override judicial decisions of lower courts , if judges understand that sentences represent risk of "serious harm to order, health, public safety or the economy." The controversial mechanism has been used to topple pro communities affected by major projects such as Belo Monte and Carajás Railroad , a line for the transportation of minerals making.

And most Brazilians not surprised - or he misses very little - that version of " Brazil Large " of the dictatorship that is consolidated with other names in democracy. No such violence as violence decoded not decoded authoritarianism as authoritarianism. The most dangerous thing is always that which did not detect dangerous as that which is naturalized as an inevitable - and in the Amazon state violence became nature.

It might be a surprise that the fact of the Amazon myth forged in the dictatorship persists in democracy. But fails to be, because that myth is converted into one truth, that allows Amazon still treated as an object of plunder, either by the state or by private enterprise. A body to be violated , available to operators step , be they technical government , political supporter broad spectrum , document forgers to seize land , timber , mineradoras and builders. Whoever remains in that territory, he was born in , has roots and builds memory becomes an obstacle , such as indigenous peoples. A non-being, as coastal and Quilombo , invisible among the invisible. Not an obstacle to development, as is repeated until the exhaust , but the maintenance of this myth - the continuation of the ideology that legitimizes decades, the destruction of forests and forest peoples to accommodate the interests of the centers power .

Nothing is more authoritative than the other say that he is not making it . That is also part of the drive for annihilation by invoking the tricky question of " real Indian " and " fake Indian " , as if there were a kind of " authenticity " . This strategy is even more vile because it seeks to convince the country that indigenous peoples have the right to claim membership in the land claim , because even belong to themselves. In the logic of the operator , ideally transform all poor , inhabitants of the outskirts of cities , dependent on government programs. There, geographical and symbolic, no privileges are put at risk . And there would be nothing between the great interests without greatness and coveted territory.

When someone , even in enlightened circles , says that "without Belo Monte will not be able to view the telenovela eight or enter Facebook " or claims that " the Indian has too much land " is committing many improprieties . But it is also keeping alive the ideology of the dictatorship of the Amazon and the people of the jungle. In a time when Brazil dissects the blow that completed 50 years as important as throwing light on the past is to understand what remains of it among ourselves, with our close collaboration.

Eliane Brum is a writer, journalist and documentary filmmaker . Author of nonfiction books Coluna Prestes - or Avesso da Lenda , A Life That Ninguém see, O Olho da Rua , A Menina Quebrada , Meus Desacontecimentos and Uma Two novel . Email: elianebrum.coluna @ gmail.com . Twitter: @ brumelianebrum



The Amazon is devastated on behalf of several manipulations, concrete and symbolic . To continue serving the interests of the centers of power , it is necessary that the exploitation pattern persists . And , to persist when global warming and environmental destruction are vital issues in the world , when the issue of water is the most current, it is necessary to forge new enemies. It is in this context that indigenous peoples is to be sold to the population, predominantly urban country , as " obstacles to development" . That in discourse both conservative sectors of society and in official talks current government sectors .

Those who belong to the land expropriated are converted in the depths of "obstacle" sense , that Amazon keeps in the same part of the body to the violation . In the name of "national interests" , when in fact , what masquerades as national are historically specific projects to political groups and projects -profit private economic groups. These make circumstantial or permanent alliances to keep intact the logic of plunder. They did it in the dictatorship , they do democracy. Without enough surprised because the distance of the Amazon is not only geographical . To understand risk must otherness - and nothing more dangerous for those who want to maintain their privileges to experience other ways of being in the world .

Indigenous peoples have been resisting since 1500, but this century expanded their voice, the possibilities opened by the Internet and became disclose its multiple narratives. In common , resistance to genocide is ongoing and won more sophisticated appearance . It is also why the attacks on these villages was aggravated , not only in the form of physical attacks and destruction of villages , but in several projects that are handled in Congress and that means , in practice , their physical and cultural annihilation . Because you can not silence his voice more , it is necessary to transform them into enemies. The enemy does not listen to whatever he says , because he does not recognize the legitimacy to speak. That's the goal of successful ongoing propaganda that places more than 200 indigenous peoples, also inhabitants of other ecosystems besides the Amazon as " obstacles to development" in Brazil. By being in the way of the great works , being collectively on the coveted land for private profit .

This is one of several reasons for the claim of belonging to these populations is seen as illegitimate , and that the jungle would be grounded for life , and yes for the exploitation and use. How to claim the construction of meaning in that which is subject to passage and dilapidation ? The center serves the Amazon , in a logic that obeys even in the second decade of the century , to the precepts of the colonial system , wherein the periphery serves to the array.

For many, including government bureaucrats installed in ministries such as Mines and Energy, the Amazon is only a source of raw materials and energy for the big industries that produce for export. It was also a source of payment of undeclared campaign commitments in the form of large projects financed by the BNDES. The forest is also one that can be demolished to expand the agricultural frontier , at a time which constitute the largest legislator ruralistas base above matches, in a Congress marked by blackmail, and reaching new levels of influence on a government support in ensuring political exchanges . It is still a symbolic reserve to join the Brazil that ignores tortuous boasting against " gringos who want to take the Amazon." Nothing seems more efficient than creating an external threat nationalism used to fatten that only favor the usual . If that question, we must realize that there is a kind of " gringo" that much is there in mega multinationals drove local people with the support of successive governments ago. Under the dictatorship , but also democracy.

La dictadura que no dice su nombre

La dictadura militar en la amazonia brasileña continua vivita y coleando.